Thursday, September 19, 2013

Mexico to Pass Weakened Bill to Evaluate Teachers

MEXICO CITY — Mexico took a major step this week toward instituting evaluations of public schoolteachers and ending their practice of buying and inheriting their posts, but analysts said violent protests by teachers had led Congress to include provisions in the new legislation that might undermine the overhaul.
Shoring up the flagging education system has been a pillar of PresidentEnrique Peña Nieto’s efforts to advance the country economically and move more people into the middle class. Analysts had closely watched the progress of the legislation as a sign of his ability to move forward on revamping the telecommunications and energy industries.
The series of large-scale protests by radical factions of a teachers’ union in recent weeks paralyzed parts of the capital and sent lawmakers at one point scurrying from their chambers.
The pressure resulted in concessions that “diluted key aspects” of the original plan, the broad outlines of which were approved in December, said Sergio Cárdenas, an education expert at CIDE, a Mexico City university. The bill that passed Wednesday specified how that plan was to be put in effect.
For the first time, teachers would undergo mandatory periodic evaluations, for example, but the detailed results would remain confidential. When the overhaul was first drafted and submitted to Congress, it did not make it explicit that evaluation results would be confidential, leading experts and some lawmakers to believe that the results would be public. Analysts are calling the confidentiality clause significant because it would deny access to information in the midst of an effort to add transparency to the teaching process.
Fired teachers would also be able to appeal their cases in court, something the administration wanted to avoid.
Still, the legislation made major changes in a system where teachers had traditionally bought, sold or inherited positions — a practice that many say has led to the hiring of underqualified teachers. Under the new regulations, teachers will eventually be chosen in an open competition among university graduates. The legislation would also force the state to provide free teacher and administrator training.
Over all, “it’s a first step in trying to dismantle a corrupt system,” said Marco A. Fernández, research director of México Evalúa, a public policy research group. “Unfortunately, some of the changes incorporated to the original proposal as a result of the teacher mobilizations undermine the strength of these efforts.”
Teachers have complained that the overhaul left them with no job security and did little to address shortages of materials and other needs in the classroom, especially in poor regions. Some of the more vigorous protests have taken place in southern and western Mexico, where poverty is highest.
“We do need a reform, but one that stems from our basic needs,” Irais Zárate, a teacher from Oaxaca State, said last weekend during a protest.
Juan Carlos Romero Hicks, president of Congress’s education commission, said evaluations of teachers would be based partly on tests of their knowledge and on their students’ performance.
The president is expected to sign the legislation.

Mexican History 101: Why is Mexico so corrupt?

It is difficult to examine many of the problems currently going on in Mexico without the word "corruption" being thrown around. It is assumed that most government officials, judges, and police officers are on the take, either from each other, the public, or drug cartels. How has corruption become such an ingrained part of Mexican society, and why is it so difficult - if not impossible - to stamp out?

The demise of Acapulco: Diving off a cliff

FOR the first time in 55 years, this week a hurricane and a tropical storm arrived almost simultaneously on Mexico’s Pacific and Gulf coasts, killing at least 80 people (with a further 58 missing) and leaving tens of thousands homeless. If that was a double dose of bad news on a three-day holiday weekend, Acapulco, the south-western resort where Hollywood divas once flirted with cliff-divers, was thrice-cursed. It bore the brunt of the storm just as it is struggling to overcome a collapse in tourism and the stigma of becoming Mexico’s most violent city. “Acapulco is sinking,” splashed Reforma, a newspaper.

Jamaica Fights to Break Grip of Violent Past

KINGSTON, Jamaica — Gunshots every night, burned-down businesses and corpses — up to a half-dozen a day — used to define the neighborhood of Mountain View on the eastern hillsides of Kingston, Jamaica’s capital. But not anymore.
Now, the nights are filled with barefoot soccer matches under streetlights or block parties that bring together former rivals from local gangs. No one has been murdered in Mountain View for three years.
“The dark cloud is moving away,” said Keith Nugent, 76, a tailor in the neighborhood who counsels former criminals. “Young people here are beginning to gravitate to a sense of life, and function.”
Jamaica is emerging as a rare bright spot in the hub of the fight against drugs and organized crime that extends across South America and the Caribbean. After more than a decade fighting lawlessness, with limited success, this small island with a reputation for both carefree living and bloodshed has begun to see results. Jamaica’s murder rate, while still high, has fallen by 40 percent since 2009, and a respected study recently reported that “Jamaica has fallen from one of the more corrupt countries in the Americas to one of the least.”

Perus Economy Slows

LIMA, Peru — From his office window, Henrik Kristensen, the chief executive of the company that runs Peru’s main port, can still look out at rows of newly arrived, shiny Kia automobiles from South Korea and shipping containers stacked four high, full of imported items like television sets and brand-name clothing bound for the growing number of malls that serve this country’s burgeoning middle class.
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A luxury-car dealership in Lima serves as one indication of the country’s economic success and the growth of the middle class in the last decade.
“This is Peru,” he said. “When you go to the shopping malls they’re full of people, they’re full. That’s a good indicator that people are really spending money.”
Peru’s economy grew an average of 6.4 percent a year from 2002-12 after adjusting for inflation, according to government figures, a remarkable period of sustained expansion that has made it one of the world’s star economies.
But suddenly growth has slowed here, and just beyond the view from Mr. Kristensen’s window, under Lima’s perpetually gray winter sky, the reason becomes clear.
At Dock 5B, ships are loaded with Peru’s mining riches, including copper ore, lead and zinc — the raw materials that fueled the Peruvian boom with their rising prices in recent years. But in the first six months of this year, mineral shipments through the port were down 12 percent by weight, according to APM Terminals, Mr. Kristensen’s company, which operates the facility for the Peruvian government.
The decrease resulted from a drop in demand in a struggling world economy and a slowdown in China, one of Peru’s top trading partners. Those factors have also caused mineral prices to plummet, sucking the wind from the sails of Peru’s economy.
This bust amid the boom has given vent to a national angst, with hand-wringing over the economy a mainstay of newspaper front pages and television news programs. Headlines bemoan soaring trade imbalances as the value of mining and other exports, including apparel and agricultural products, plunges at the same time imports are surging.
Miguel Castilla, the economy and finance minister, said he expected the economy to grow between 5.5 percent and 6 percent this year. While that was down from earlier predictions, it would maintain Peru’s place as one of the fastest-growing economies in Latin America. Even some of the most skeptical economists predict Peru’s economy will grow by nearly 5 percent this year, a rate that would be celebrated as a ripping success in many countries.
But in Peru, such predictions are being treated as something close to disaster.
“Growing for a decade at 6 percent, you get used to it,” said Gustavo Yamada, the dean of economics at the University of the Pacific in Lima. Mr. Yamada said he expected growth in Peru to settle into a range of about 4 percent to 5 percent in coming years.
“That creates a scenario,” he said, “of, ‘Hey, wait a minute, we were going to be the next Inca tiger, what a disappointment.’ ”
Polls show that consumer confidence has slipped this year, and a Peru Central Bank survey in June showed that investor confidence was at its lowest point in almost two years.
“We have become used to a sustained period of growth, and we have forgotten about cycles,” said Mr. Castilla, the economic minister.
Just as outside factors, like rising metals prices, fueled Peru’s boom, similar factors, like the slow recovery in the United States, Europe’s economic woes and China’s slowdown, are now causing it to cool down, he said.
“We’re at a crossroads,” Mr. Castilla said. “We have everything we need to cope with this less favorable world condition, but there’s an urgent need to implement the reforms that have been approved recently and to tackle other issues.”
Those changes include steps to clear away economic obstacles — like making government more efficient, making capital markets work better and improving infrastructure.
Mr. Castilla’s ministry has also chosen a list of 31 projects worth $22 billion, including mining and infrastructure, that it wants to fast-track by removing bureaucratic obstacles.
Peru’s economy is a mash-up of strengths and weaknesses. The country has robust international reserves, a large rainy day fund that can be used for economic stimulus in a crisis, and low public debt.
Poverty in Peru has been cut by more than half in recent years, falling from 59 percent of the population in 2004 to 26 percent last year, according to government figures. Millions have moved into the middle class, which the Inter-American Development Bank estimates has doubled in size from 2007-12 and now includes about half of all Peruvian families.
But the new prosperity is unevenly distributed, concentrated in the cities and along the coast. More than half of those in rural areas still live in poverty, especially in the Andes and the Amazon basin. Lima also remains home to vast slums.
Tomas Munita for The New York Times
The Larcomar shopping center in Lima. Despite such signs of new prosperity, the city also remains home to vast slums.
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The education system is poor, millions still lack access to adequate water and sewer connections, and there are myriad infrastructure bottlenecks.
The port, in an area known as Callao, illustrates some of these challenges. It is undergoing a $750 million modernization paid for by APM Terminals, which took over the running of the facility from the government two years ago.
But the road into the port is choked with trucks waiting to pass through the facility’s single gateway. Farther inland, the highways needed to get goods to and from the port are often treacherous.
Peru’s economy is heavily dependent on mining. The nation is the world’s third-largest producer of copper and silver and the sixth-largest producer of gold, according to the United States Geological Survey. And despite talks of diversification, President Ollanta Humala is pinning his hopes for sustained growth on mining.
Several new copper mines are scheduled to begin producing over the next few years, which could double the country’s output. But gold mining, which accounts for a large share of the value of mine exports, has declined as mines have become tapped out, and protests have stalled a major new gold-mining project, known as Conga, in the Cajamarca region.
The total volume of Peru’s mineral exports in the first half of this year was about equal to that of the same period in 2012, but because of lower prices, their value fell by more than 15 percent, according to the Exporters Association, a trade group in Peru.
All this is coming at an awkward time for Mr. Humala, whose approval rating slid from more than 50 percent early this year to 33 percent in a recent poll. Halfway through his four-year term, Mr. Humala is seen by many as a bland president who struggles to inspire, seemingly lurching from crisis to crisis.
He was criticized for his unsmiling performance on July 28 when he read his annual Independence Day speech, the equivalent of Peru’s state of the nation address. Several commentators said he had wasted an opportunity to rally the country and sound an optimistic note on the economy.
This week, Mr. Humala told the country that “the world is going through a tremendous economic crisis,” according to local media reports. “The crisis has come to Peru.”
Mr. Humala, a former military officer, started his political career as a leftist and at one stage modeled himself on Hugo Chávez, the fiery former president of Venezuela. But to win election in 2011, he moved to the center and pledged to keep the country on its economic course.
He also promised to bring the benefits of Peru’s economic growth to the millions who have been left out. While he has created or bolstered some social programs, many of his onetime backers on the left feel betrayed. A new Civil Service law that includes evaluations of public employees brought angry protests from unions last month.
And while many in the business community are relieved that he has not made major changes in economic policy, their trust appears thin. When Mr. Humala’s government said in April that it was considering buying a stake in the Peruvian operations of theSpanish oil company Repsol, it was met with a storm of protest and quickly backtracked.
Carlos González, an economist with the Exporters Association, said Peru’s economic deceleration was being overdramatized, but he added that Peru would have to work harder to maintain growth and to attract investors as outside conditions changed.
“We were the prettiest girl in the neighborhood who could get the best boyfriend,” he said. “It seems we’ve passed that moment.”

Brazil fragile relationship with the United States

(Reuters) - Every time Brazil and the United States get to the altar, the roof of the church seems to collapse.
In 1982, U.S. President Ronald Reagan traveled to Brazil for a dinner banquet meant to herald a new era in ties between the Americas' two biggest countries. But when Reagan raised his wine glass and toasted "the people of Bolivia," it seemed to confirm his hosts' worst fears: that the United States saw Brazil as just another poor country in its so-called backyard.

Venezuela After Chavez

Venezuela may be soon longing for the early years of Hugo Chavez.  The staunch socialist passed away this year after a bout with cancer, but left Venezuela in worse shape.

Possible Peace in Columbia

The formal talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) aim to end to the country's civil conflict. It is the first attempt to reach a deal in a decade, and huge obstacles remain. But for some, it is the best chance for peace in 48 years

Tuesday, September 17, 2013

Guatemala Arrests Suspected Drug Trafficker Wanted for Ties to Mexican Cartel


GUATEMALA CITY — Guatemalan and U.S. law enforcement agents on Tuesday arrested a suspected Guatemalan drug trafficker wanted for ties to Mexico's Sinaloa Cartel, the gang run by drug lord Joaquin "Shorty" Guzman.
Waldemar Lorenzana was captured by Guatemalan officials working with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration in Teculutan, Zacapa, some 130 km (80 miles) northeast of Guatemala City, the attorney general's office said in a statement.

Sunday, September 15, 2013

Hundreds arrested in Chile clashes on coup anniversary

Police in Chile say they arrested more than 260 people during protests marking the anniversary of the 1973 military coup.
Masked protesters at a demonstration in Valparaiso on 11 September 2013Officials said 42 police officers were injured in clashes with demonstrators on Wednesday night.
Among those injured was a police general who was struck in the head with a petrol bomb.

Friday, September 6, 2013

Brazil: Consolation for a weakened president

UNTIL a couple of months ago polls suggested that Dilma Rousseff was one of the democratic world’s most popular leaders and was sailing towards a second term in a presidential election due next October. Then Brazil was suddenly engulfed by protests. They have died away—but Ms Rousseff’s popularity has suffered damage. Confidence in the presidency fell from 63% last year to just 42% in a poll published this month by Ibope.